Edmontonians voted on October 20th and elected a mayor, city councillors, and school trustees, but the Edmonton Somali Canadian community failed to secure any of those positions. It is a major setback considering the time span the community has been trying to be included in the city’s administration.
As far as I recall, the first Somali-Canadian man ran for an Edmonton city councillor position in 2010. At the time, we featured that gentleman in a community monthly newsletter called “Edmonton Somali Voice”. And I was the newsletter’s chief editor. (Coming out each month, the newsletter continued for more than three and a half years.) Since then, other Somali Canadian men had vied for the councillor and school trustee seats but had not succeeded. What is wrong? What is keeping the community at bay and preventing it from realizing its goals regarding the city administration positions?
Numerous reasons and circumstances play a role. Firstly, unlike some other immigrant communities, the Somali Canadian community does not congregate in certain constituencies where they are seen to have put down roots and have a significant presence. The community is scattered all over the city, making its efforts fragmented. To avoid usury, most community members do not buy homes; instead, they rent homes from landlords for a long time. And when problems arise between them and the landlords, they move to other neighbourhoods or provinces. In a nutshell, the community is transient, so to speak.
Communities that congregate in particular neighbourhoods and make them their homes have a political muscle. They dominate services and amenities that exist in those neighbourhoods. Those residents expand their neighbourhoods by enticing other community members to join them. As a result, they develop a big power and a voice to reckon with. Take the East Indian or Pakistani communities, for instance. They have their own neighbourhoods and have power and influence. Their votes matter, too. Such community-based constituencies rally behind certain individuals, elect them, and send them to government positions. Not only do immigrant communities have their own neighbourhoods, but mainstream residents also have their own neighbourhoods. For instance, Irish people dominate particular constituencies, Scottish people congregate in other constituencies, to name but a few communities.
Secondly (and this is common of some other immigrants too), the Somali Canadian community is divided along regional lines, or say tribal lines if you wish. This is another factor contributing to the continued debacle the community faces regarding securing higher city positions. The proliferation of community organizations in the city and their scattered services speaks to the community’s division and fragmented efforts. These organizations have failed to operate under one umbrella, unite their efforts, and send members of their men or women to the aforesaid city positions.
Is the Somali Canadian community’s political future dismal in the city? No, it is not. The unrelenting efforts made continuously by community members aspiring to be councillors, school trustees, or even a mayor demonstrate the community’s determination and eventual goal. The community will, Insha-Allah, break the barriers and secure those positions; however, the community ought to change course and do things differently. A strategic plan that can unite its lines to achieve what it wants to achieve has to be developed.